churresmo [she/her, they/them]

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Joined 9 months ago
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Cake day: April 20th, 2025

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  • I can only talk about the Brazilian POV:

    Brazilian agribusiness will be the biggest beneficiary. They are the main supporters of the Brazilian far-right since “redemocratization” in 1985. Since Brazilian agribusiness is very indebted, i guess they will receive more credit, so they can expand their farms in the North, Center-West and Northeast of Brazil, expanding their profits. The expansion of agribusiness in those regions means more deforestation and invasion of Indigenous and peasant land.

    The Indigenous movement is not buying the PT government narrative and their abandonment of the Indigenous cause. Thus, in Pará state (in the North), there were some protests last year. Their movement is by far, more progressive than the government. The peasant movement is a bit different, since their main organization, MST, is firmly on the government’s side, although even they (sometimes) recognize the government’s inaction towards land reform. Smaller peasant organizations, who are critical of the government, like FNL and LCP, are getting criminalized by regional authorities, with members being arrested as “land invaders” or even “gang members”. Indigenous, maroons and peasants will be the biggest losers of this deal, since their existence is endangered.

    Brazilian industrial capitalists didn’t oppose the deal. There were some initial criticism about it, but they will gain more than lose, with the deal, since Mercosul industrial exports will gain tariff exemption in the EU. This is where most “Marxist” analysis get it wrong. They assume that the trade deal will only benefit the agribusiness, and de-industrialize Brazil further (even tho, de-industrialization is being reversed in this PT administration), but they forget that the industrialists aren’t opposing the deal. There’s a Folha de São Paulo article talking more about it, but it is paywalled. But TLDR: Industrial capitalists will gain a new market for their products.

    The mostly-white petite-bourgeoisie, mostly located in the Southeast/South will benefit somewhat from the deal, with access to cheaper higher-end products from Europe.










  • Being pro-Palestine doesn’t absolves anyone of being chauvinistic. Just ask a Moroccan what they think of Palestine, and what think of Western Sahara, for example. I normally don’t take Jacobin seriously, but they showed actual issues with CPI-M’s attitude towards Muslims, and it has terrible electoral consequences. Fascism growing in Kerala, as BJP elected their first state representative to Parliament in 2024. At the same time, the CPI(“Marxist”)'s results amongst the Muslim population in Kerala aren’t good, even with they opposing the CAA.

    In the same election that elected a actual Hindu fascist to power, one would expect that Muslims would prefer to vote for the Left, which one would expect to be able to stand up against Hindutva chauvinism. But they mostly voted for the INC-allied Muslim League. Also, one of the websites the Jacobin linked implies that CPI(“M”)/LDF and BJP/RSS have some sort of link, both in their hate of Muslims, and in their love of Adani.



  • and the Islamophobia is present in the chauvinist "communist’ parties as well, like CPI(“Marxist”), for example.

    In recent years, Kerala, a southern Indian state long governed by the Left, has reportedly seen cases of gold smuggling and transactions of illegal, unregulated money. Commenting on the issue in a recent interview, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), or CPI(M), chief minister of the state described the Muslim-majority district of Malappuram as a hot spot for these crimes. He claimed that these offenses are most prevalent in this district — and that illegal money is brought into Kerala for “anti-national” activities.

    The label “anti-national,” which is often applied, if not limited to, Indian Muslims, is not the chief minister’s own coinage but rather a term borrowed from the lexicon of Hindu nationalist forces. Strategically deployed by Hindutva organizations to ostracize and demonize Muslims in India, the term takes on a more powerful meaning by labeling them as “traitors” to the motherland.

    Facing backlash, the chief minister disowned the statement. Yet, party leaders’ borrowing of anti-Muslim rhetoric from the Hindu nationalist echo chamber is not something new. In 2010, another CPI(M) stalwart, V. S. Achuthanandan, accused a Muslim political group of using marriage as a tool to “Islamize” Kerala. This claim resembled the “love jihad” narrative, one of many Islamophobic campaigns propagated by Hindutva forces to demonize Indian Muslims. This conspiracy theory tells us that Muslim men lure Hindu women into marriage to convert them and change the religious demographic.

    These positions taken by the CPI(M) are viewed by many civil-society activists as isolated incidents and by some political analysts as deliberate compromises yielding to electoral pressures. However, the CPI(M)’s handling of the “Muslim issue” is more than that — it is a symptom of a larger crisis within the party.